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16— 47372-S OPO 



S PE E C H 

OF 

BEiNJAMlN CirHAMlS, ESQ. 

OF ST, MARY'S COUNTY 

UPON THE 

REPORTS OF THl:: C O iM M 1 T T C E 

ON 

SECRET SOCIETIES. ^ 

IN THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF MARYLAND, 



Mk. Speaker : 

When a few evenings since the majority of the Committee on 
Secret Societies, made their report^ and asked to be discharged 
from the further consideration of the subject, 1 entered my objec- 
tion, and stated, that that majority had not performed (he 
duties imposed upon them by ihe resolutions under which they 
received their appointment. I was unwilling, sir, that this 
House should take any action at (he instance of that majority 
which even by implicaiion could be looked upon as an approval of 
the course which they had thought proper to pursue. They have 
failed, sir, completely and, I may say^ willfully, in the performance 
of their duties, and instead of our commendation;; they should re- 
ceive our stern rebuke. 

Wliat were those duties ? They were instructed to enquire and 
report ^'whether any and what Secret Political Societies are known 
to exist in this State" — "whether any and what society or portion 
of the peop\e of this State, or any of the United Slates, have in- 
U 06 need religious issues, inlo tlie field of political agitation.''^ 
Tiiey were also instructed "to ascertain as far as may be in their 
power^ what are the character and import of the secrets which are 
supposed to be held or maintained by such societies, if any such 
should he found to exist, and to use their endeavours to obtain if 
possible, a statemer^t or description of the principles, objects and 






punjuscs of siM-ii socielies," and sir itJ older to furnish tliem with 
ever facility to cuiry out fully the enquiry, lliey were vested with 
(he extrrioniinary power of sending for persons and papers, and of 
examining such persons upoa oaih. This Cominiitee, sir, miaht 
well he called, as from its cieationit has been called, the Coiriniit- 
lee of enquiry — the Investigating Committee — for their duties 
clearly and distinctly defined in their commission, were to make 
diligent seaich into /ac/5, and facts only. This Mouse surely did 
not expect from tiiis CoiiimiUee, thus raised, a rehash of that po- 
litical dish which nauseates every healthful and conservative stom- 
ach ; they did nut expect a new edition of Know Nothing quib- 
bles and evasions. They expected, sir, and required, a statement 
of well authenticated fads in regard to the matter referred to this 
ConuTiiittee, and yet sir not one fact, not oxxq paper, not one wit- 
ness, have they produced, or liied to produce, uoiv.'ithslanding they 
were ordered expressly to make a tremendous effort to do so, and 
to overcome every thing but imposslbdilus in order to gratify the 
strongly expressed desire of this Bonorable Body. They have to 
my surprise, and no doubt to the surprise of this House, 
not only been guilty of the sin of on>ission but of commis- 
sion. Tiiey have presumptuously and daringly (and I here 
charge them with it,) exerted the mere brute power, which 
they had as a majority, entirely to smother all investigation. The 
ininority of this Committee, anxious to perform their clearly 
defined duties were prevented by the majority from taking 
one step towards that end. The minority produced the names of 
witnesses to be brought befoie the Committee v;l!0 would have 
testified to the very facts which v/ere to be enquired into, and yet, 
sir, the majority, fearful of the expense to the State attending 
the smyimoning of those witnesses, and very probably more fear- 
ful of the testimony they would give, denied the privilege. Under 
ihis undoubted state of facts can any one here declare that this 
majoiity have fulfilled t'leir duties, and should receive the appro- 
bation of this House? Could any one here, sir, have anticipated 
when this Committee was inaugurated, that such a report as this 
would have been the only result? When the Honorable Chair- 
man introduced these resolutions, with such a bragndocio air, 
could any one have imagined that lliis grand proclamation — this 
tremendous flourish of trumpets — would usher nothing upon the 
stage, but General Tom Thumb. When the mountain thus 
quaked and labored, senditig terror and consternation to the very 
heart of man, must not all be surprised that the product is only— - 
a mouse? Such must indeed be the feeling of th.-a House in 
viewing tliis report, and the sudden transition would make us 
laugh, if our disposition to do so were not restrained by our feel- 
ings of resentment for the contemptuous disregard of the order of 
this House, as displayed in the course of the majority of that 
Committee. As a literary production, sir, I will not undertake to 
criticise this report. If any merit of that kind can be found in it., 



^ 



8 

let it be awarcled to the Honorable Cliairnmn. But, sir, iliis I 
will say, that if in that respect (his production would be tin honor 
to an Irving, or an Evcrelt, I would look upon ii as of inHniielv 
less value to the chnracler of i(s author, and of (he tnnjoriiy of 
(his House, (iinn would be the simplest siatement of vreli avouciied 
facts showing (hat he and they were intiocent of liie charges made 
against (hem by (he Governor in his annual message. 

The con(emplible alieclaiion ihat Ihey were not aware that (he 
Governor, in his animadversions on secret socieCcs in his niessace, 
aiiuded to the Know Noth.ing party would set badly even upon a 
simpering school girl. It is diplomacy without ingenuity. It is 
hypocrisy wiiliout coiiceahr.ent. I assert, sir, Vv'iihout the fear of 
successful contradiction, tiial every member of (hat Commliiee, 
and every member of this Mouse, knew as well as (he Governor 
did, (0 what party lie alluded, if so, then tlic Honorable Chair- 
man, v.'hen he introduced his unfortunate i-esolulions, knew well, 
as did (he oilier members of (he Commiitee, what issues they had 
joined and what evidence v;as required (o prove (hose issues. If 
upon (his (rial, (heir opponents, the sniisority, had failed to pro- 
duce evidence to s'now (hat (heir pai!y was a ^'■secret political 
society,^^ (ben lliey would have been relieved from (hat charge. 
Had (lie minority failed to show that (hat party had introduced 
religious issues into the field of political acritatioji, then (hat 
charge would have been justly dismissed, and if (hat minority 
had firriher failed to shov/ that that party held or maintained 
secrets, objects and purposes violixhwe of oiir Constitution and that 
of the United Stales, tuerj, sir, the majority and iheir party here 
and elsewhere would have been relieved of the charoe of beino- 
secret conspirators against their country, and been held fesponsible 
only for their oper^ and avowed principles — a responsibility suffi- 
ciently awful for any whose consciences are not seared as with a 
red hot iron. This course of (rial, so obviously (h.e cori-ect one 
for the ascertainment of truth was i-ather unpalatable to the ma- 
jority of this Commiitee. Tiiey chose rather to rely upon (he 
meie assertion of their and your innocence— an assertion worth less 
than nothing to you and them, if by your vote adopiing this report, 
you shall avoid (he investigation which you yourselves have in- 
augurated, thus strengthening suspicion of guilt, instead of fur- 
nishing proof of innocence. Tiie question then, sir, which (his 
House lias to consider, is, whe(her by adopting this majority re- 
port arid sanctioning their proceedings, (hey will allow themselves 
to be involved in a suspicion wiiich such action would justify? 
It is to be hoped (hat (his Honorable Body v/ill have more self- 
respect and a higher regard for public opinion than to do so. 

I3u(,sir, let us now enquii-e, what were the reasons for (he 
course which the majority of (he Committee have thourrht proper 
10 pursue in i-egard to this investigation ? These are gUmmering- 
/y alluded to in the report presented by the Chairman',' but in ord'er 
to see them more distinctly, let us go to (heir committee room, 



(foiUjn;>(ely not n (laik-lniUeitied cavern) and find them out there. 
My lionorable friend from Charles county, (Mr. Merrick) lias given 
«hem, in the niinoiity report, an unenviable chance for notoriety 
as well as preservation. 

The iitst reason given was contained in a resolution ofTered in 
that room, and declares in effect that the Governor in his i-epli/ to 
the Committee clearlij indicates the Anierican Party of the Plat- 
form of 1855, as the object of the animadversions in his message. 
This, sir, that Committee knew well before the Governor addressed 
his special communication to them ; aye sir, they knew it before 
their Chairman drafted the resolutions iniroduced into this House, 
one of which so unblushingly asked this communication from His 
Excellency. This cotUemptible subterfuge I have before alluded 
to, and given it the character it deserves. Another resolution 
adopted in that room by the majority of the Committee decrees in 
substance that the enquiry into the secrets, principles, objects and 
purposes of this Know Nothing Parly — the very enquivy they were 
ordered to inake — "is an insult to the intelligence of a large majority 
of the people of Maryland through iheir representatives." And 
nnolher resolution decrees (for it will be observed they are all decrees) 
that it is unnecessary to have any persons or papers before them, be- 
cause forsooth the puriti/ of the principles, objects and purposes 
of their party are sufficiently vouched for by the fact of that party's 
being represented by a majority on this floor. These decrees 
adopted in a committee room of the Maryland Legislature and not 
in the daik council of the order, are clearly, and I may say impu- 
dently in conflict with the resolutions of this House under which 
the Committee received their appointment. They positively and 
in defiance of this Honorable Bt)dy refuse to carry out the instruc- 
tions they have received. We surely sir will not allow the ma- 
jority of one of our ov.7n Committees to compromise our charac- 
ter and dignity, and then sanction the degradation by an approval 
of its course? No sir. This House intended, what they said. They 
intended an enquiry and investigation into the matter set forth in 
their resolutions, although they themselves were implicated. They 
had joined issue with the Governor of Maryland, and the tribunal 
they had selected for the trial, was public opinion, and the record- 
ing clerk of the court was to hold the pen of History. The fact 
of your being here as the represenlativesof a majority of (he people 
with the attestation of your ^7J»Mn7?/" which such a fact affords, 
and even the fact of conscious innocence if it existed, were to be 
thrown aside in this trial. You yourselves demanded a (rial upon 
the facts which should be thorough, and convincing to the whole 
world, now and forever. This House intended that, or it, veri/ 
solemnly intended nothing. Such, sir, was their intention, or they 
have enacted a farce which would disgrace even Harlequin him- 
self. They knew well that an appeal to public opinion cannot be 
met by the mere brute force of a majority voting this thing up or 
that thing down. They were well aware before they instituted 



5 

this enquiry that they had the power (o siiile all investigation, but 
they also knew that such a course woultl create a suspicion of 
guilt rather than furnish proof of innocence. They knew, and now 
know, that they can enter a 7iolle prosequi to this prosecution, but 
they also know, that the bloodiest pirate that sweeps the ocean 
would do the same thing if he couid, when brought before the bar 
of public justice to answer for his crimes — but he would be pirate 
still. History shows too plainly that such acquittals will not an- 
swer as pleas in bar, with public opinion. The earl Bolhwell 
came forward for trial on the charge of murdering Darnley. 
Bothwell had a thousand men at arms within call. He was dis- 
charged, no one daring to appear as his accuser. But his name 
has come down through the pages of impartial history stained with 
murder and treason. A later case occurs to my mind. Aaron 
Burr was upon trial, actually acquitted of the charge of treason 
against his country. He lived a freeman from his trial to his grave; 
public opinion drew distinctions which the law cannot draw, and 
the fair fame he had previously won in the service of his country, 
withered before the blight, and his name has been branded with 
everlasting infamy. The intelligence of this House knew these 
things when they ordered this investigation, and it was ordered that 
public opinion should be satisfied upon the questions at issue. 
They intended not to avail themselvesof the paltry pretexts andeva- 
sions suggested by the majority of the Committee in order to escape 
this investigation. They will not surely thank this Commit- 
tee for attempting to place them in the inconsistent position of pro- 
posing this enquiry and of then retiring'from the contest. It will 
surely meet your indignant frown that your Committee should as- 
sume that you can first act like the blustering bully, and will then 
TQUr&Wke {\-\Q skulking coioard. What, sir, will this Honorable 
Body declare as the majority of this Committee have, that this en- 
quiry instituted by theniselves would be an insult to the majority 
of the people of this State ? Will they thus shield themselves? 
Whence, sir, did this proposition for enquiry come ? It v.-as bro-jo-ht 
foiv/ard by the distinguished leader of the majority of this Hou°se, 
being also chairman of this Committee. Sui'ely, that Honorable' 
gentleman in offering it, did not intend to insult his dear constitu- 
ents; and surely too the majority of this House knew whether or 
not it would be aa insuk to the majority of the people to have such 
an enquiry. And, sir, this lecture upon propriety and decorum 
comes with an ill grace indeed from this Committee. But the 
cruelty of imposing upon the Honorabiegentleman, (Mr Kennedy) 
who inaugurated this enquiry, the task of declaring its insultin^^ 
character ts unparalleled in our political history. Shame! Shame'' 
that the fond parent should be forced to acknowlege his bantlin<r u 
bastard. It is to be hoped, that the se^a^wza/ cataplasm whfch 
hjs been since applied, will heal the wound which has been thus 
inflicted. 

This House, Mr. Speaker, will not, U ^ruc to its character 



Qi-rest Ihia enquiry upon such a llimsy pretext so shamelessly 
brought forward ; and sir, it will as promptly repudiate the idea 
also brought forward by this distinguished Committee, that we 
should not enquire into grievances and offences if countenanced 
by a majoiity of the people. The idea is absurd. 'Hiis sir, is a 
Oonstiiutional Government, and (he majority may be as oross' vio- 
lators of law and right ns ten men or one man and jus? as wor- 
thy of punishment. If a rnajoriiy of the people of ihis State 
with Andrew Cross at (heir head were to blow up the Nunnery 
in Aisqiiith Street, or if ihey we^e to aid him in setting the fire 
and tlic fagot to a dozen Popish Priests, every man of them 
would be guilty of aison or murder, and if they v/ere not hung 
it would not be because they did not deserve hanginp-. If this 
Legislatuie representing the entire people were unainmouslv to 
pass an act which would come in conflict with our Constitution 
it is unnecessary for me to say (hat (he act Vv'ould have no validi- 
ty. The majority can be guilty of treason itself; they may elect 
a first Consul or an Emperor, but none would deny their guilt in 
doing so; and, sir, I hope I may be excused if I state the plain 
truih, that (here are many high intellects and conservative patri- 
otic hearts in our land, who consider the majority in (his House 
as guilty of (reason to (heir coun(ry, and falsehood to their God, 
notwithstanding the "-jmrity of i/icir prirwiples''^ are attested by 
the fact of their being the representatives of a niajoriiy of the 
people. I was in h.opes (hat this enquiiy if proceeded in, might 
lelieve (heir minds at least ftom the apprehension of your bemo- 
a gang of secret conspiiators, even if it should be found that your 
open and avoided princi[)le3 aimed a blow at the veiy foundation 
of our Institutions. Then, sir, let this enquiry proceed. Let the 
report be remanded with orders to obey insttuctions. Even if you 
can have (he approval of your ov/n consciences, do not disregard 
(he approbation of those of your fellow-citizens whom nothing 
can satisfy but an investigation like the one you yourselves have 
proposed. 

But, sir, what will you do with his Excellency the Governor ? 
He will have a tremendous triumph over you if you now retire 
from this conflict. He has boldly pointetl you out as very sus- 
picious characters, and set the police upon your tracks. 1 fear 
you will be much annoyed — very uncomfortable indeed, if you 
cannot do something besides throwing yourselves upon your dig- 
nity and reserved rights, as many a criminal rloes when he is 
nabed. Avail yourselves then of (he oppoiiunity you have 
sought to prove youiselves worthy of better treatment. It is but 
blustering to abuse bis filxcellency, for he has but done his duty 
in the premises. Deserve a retraxit from him and you may claim 
the triumph. But, sir, if (his House under (he guidance of (he 
Honorable Chairuian of (his Committee shall shamefully retite 
from the contest without sliiking an effectual blow, then the battle 
of AdiuinwWX be enacted again, and the modern Anthony will 
have succumbed before the superior arms of our Augvstus. 



'I'liiis far and so iiuiclij for what ihe mnjoiily of this Ootnmil- 
lee have failed lo do ; let lis lurn now to what they have actually 
done. They have presented here what is termed the Pliiiadel- 
phia platform of June 1855, as containing the true political princi- 
ple of our country, and expect you by your vote here to give it 
your sanction and approval. That you should be gravely asked, 
sworn as you are to support the Conslilution of the Slate and 
General Government, to endorse the offspring of that Grand 
Council is an insult v»^hich I could hope lo see this House 
resent with piofier spirit. 1 would not wish you to publish to the 
v/orld in your Legislative capacity^ with all the obligations you 
are under from your p'^siiion here, your approval of the detestable 
principles it contains. If hov/ever ihey speak from authoiity^if 
you intend to confess in fulllo this black indictment then "be- 
yond the infinite and boundless reach of mercy are you damned. '' 
Why, sir, as I read this paper, 1 shudder. 1 have not a distem- 
pered imagination, but in my mind's eye I can see the victim bound 
to ihe stake with the fire, the fagot and the bigot aboat him. I 
can see the rack and the torture ; I can see the assassins dagger 
and the warm hearts blood gushing from its wound ; 1 can see the 
poisoned chalice and its unsuspecting victim ; man's intellect be- 
comes dimmed with passion and bigotry and darkness again covers 
the world. Tliese things, sir, have been from such cause and 
can be again. The first blood shed by man flowed fi-om ibis cause, 
and the mark, asindellible aslhat 'CnzQd upon the fiont of Cain should 
he branded upon his brow, who like Cain would persecute Iiia 
brother because he worships not at the same altar, , or worships in 
a difierent manner from himself. I am, sir, a Protestant and a 
staunch one, but 1 sustain to the fullest extent the risfht of every 
man to differ fron) me, and mine to differ from him, in our reli- 
gious creeds, and that too without molestation, hinderance or pen- 
alty of any kind (o be Vv'rilten in a law or retained in the heart. 
But when 1 read tliis paper I hang my head for Protestantism. 
It is false to itself — it is disgraced. Tlieie is a dark spot upon its 
\ fair fame, and that darkness is made still more visible by the bright 
\age we live in. It has allowed bigotry to becom« the captain of 
tVie Protestant forces, and ihey aie furnished with the arms of 
the savage instead of the armour of liuth. I repeat, sir, we have 
cause to hang our heads for Piotestanlism, Will you sustain the 
principles contained in this platform, and in (he next bieaih de- 
nounce as traitors the Abolitionists — the Black Republicans'? 
They are bad enough, God knows, but their principles are less 
fraught with danger to the happiness of our people than some on 
that paper. They, it is true, v/ould liberate the black slave; you 
would make the white one. They would sever our bright stars, 
and take their share to themselves, but you would darken (he 
whole galaxy. They may succeed in dividing this Union ; vou 
M'ould make this Union not worth dividing. They shall keep 
their pestilent notions on (he rs^orih side of a geographical line, 



8 

yours would be infused into (he most intimate leiaiiong of iife. 
You would loosen the sweet cords of liospiiality which so strongly 
bind societies together. The Protestants and the Catholics be- 
come dissevered bodies and repel each other. How can any 
other effect result from the insulting course pursued and prescribed 
in this paper? Would you, sir, a Protestant Know Notliing asso- 
ciate with the Oaihoiic whom you here denounce as a traitor? 
No, sir. And weie I a Catholic, ns I am a Protestant j no man 
who has ever united in such a denunciation, except as an object 
of mercy or charity, should ever cross the threshold of my dwell- 
ing. You thus place a gulph between neighbor and neighbor, 
which if passed at all will be passed for purposes of hatred 'and 
revenge. You would not stop here. You would infuse your 
poisonous atmosphere into the \eyy domestic circle. The Protes- 
tant wife and Protestant offspring, who have lived in a happy- 
union with their Catholic husband and father are now to be 
taught to dishonor him as a traitor and one unworthy of trust even 
under oath ; and so adroitly have you combined this poison with 
another root of evil, that we shall behold tlie Protestant husband 
^stepping over the pure honor of the Catholic wife of his bosom, 
to enjoy the debasing emoluments of office. 

If you solemnly intend from your high position here to adopt 
and sanction the principles of this platform, don't complain that 
1 have uiisconslrued them. For the sake of truth at least have the 
lirmness to say that you intend, what you so explicitly declare — 
that this decree of this Council intended to insult Roman Catho- 
lics as a sect, and to proscribe the Roman Catholic as a man, there 
can be no doubt. If language is the sign of ideas, then the con- 
clusion is inevitable. You will not select your victim from the 
opposing Protestant religious sects in order to arrest the "aggres- 
sio?is" or the ^'■corrupting tendencies" of the Roman Catholics. 
If you intend to stop the dangers which, you declare, proceed 
from Catholicism you will know who to stiike — the Catholic 
must be the victim. Such is not only the plain and simple de- 
claration, attempted, it is true, to be somewhat mystified, but such 
is the construction deliberately given by the very framers of the 
platform themselves. For the sake of your characters as men, do 
not be guilty of the inefiiible and contemptible duplicity of saying 
that it is not and was not designed to be an assault upon the 
Roman Catholic. Skulk not from this responsibility. Do not 
enjoy the wages of this sin and claim a reputation for the oppo- 
site virtue. 

Such being the position of things how are v/e to account 
for the language on the 15th page of the majoiity report, 
that the Protestant and Catholic ''rightly understanding each 
other have every motive to befriends.^'' Has there been any 
attempt to enlighten their understanding or any desire expressed 
to do so. If the scales which, the Chairman assumes, cover the 
eyes of the Catholics could have been removed, an enquiry, such 



9 

as was proposed by this House, might have (ended to accomplish 
(hat object. Documents and witnesses would liave been produced 
10 elucidate the question and given the parties interested a "ri^/i/: 
understanding.^^ Who has crushed this proceeding? The very 
gentleman who uses this insidious language. I will not charac- 
terise this sentence as it deserves. Possibly I cannot do it without 
overstepping the bounds of propriet3\ 

But, sir, if by'any possible delusion the Slh article of this Plat- 
form could escape from the just construction I have given it in re- 
gard to religious rights— the construction which its language 
clearly bears — the construction which the men who made it gave 
to it you will not deny that it intends to proscribe our naturaliz- 
ed citizens individually and collectively. That it intends to de- 
prive this class of our citizens, of privileges and rights, which in 
common with others they have heretofore enjoyed, and which it is 
considered are equally secured to all by the Constitution. When 
they have complied with the laws and have become naturalized, 
by the force of the term and by virtue of the Constitution and the 
laws made there under, they become invested with rights and pri- 
veleges which to conspire to deprive them of merely because they 
belonf to this class, would be as gross a violation of those rights 
and.privileges, and of the Constitution which secures them, as 
would be a conspiracy on their part to efTect that purpose in 
reo-ard to the native born. The Constitution knows no dis- 
tinction between the two dosses, except where the distinction is 
made too clear for cavil. The native born, the foreign born, (he 
Protestant and the Catholic citizens recline under the shadou' of (hat 
great pyramid, all equally protected from the scorching rays of bigo- 
try and persecution. Under (hot sacred charter which class or sect, 
will vou drive away fust ? Which is least entitled to remain there? 
no one will dare to say ; and if no one will dare to say, how date 
any (o act ? No matter how intense your American feeling' may 
be whenever one class or sect sliall combine to drive another from 
the protection of the Constitution or (he full enjoyment of their 
well defined rights under it, such a course becomes a violation of 
that "obedience" to it, "as^Ae supreme law of the land sacrcdlij 
ohligatory upon all its parts and members.''^ Patties based upon 
dideienl constructions of the (Jonstitulion and upon the policy ((» 
be pursued under it, have always existed and were con(empl;i(e(l 
as a necessary concomitant of a free government, but parties form- 
ed of religious sects or i)f different classes of our citizens were iti 
anticipation frowned upon by our gloiious forefothers and can have 
no just existence under our Constitution. The course advised in 
this platform towiiids our foreign-born citizens, is not only a vio- 
lation of the sacred charter of our rights but a dishonorable breach 
of (hat sacretl pledge which our huvs held out (o (hem. Will you 
then do violence to al| these //-uc Ameiicap feelings? Will neither 



10 

oaths or honor bind you ? For purposes allempted to be, but not 
concealed, you can appeal to the "briglit examples of patriots, states- 
men and warriors of the Calhoh'c faith whose names are associated 
with the glory ofthe past, and the gratitude of the present time," but 
the '"glory of the past anc] the gratitude of the present time" in your 
keeping, cannot it seems, be meeted out to those patriots, states- 
men and warriors, who leaving tlieir fatherland have given the 
energies of their minds and bodies and have poured out their hearts 
blood in defence of this their adopted home. 

The idea of pnoscribing a whole class or sect of our citizens for 
the political opinions or conduct of indiviiluals belonging to that 
class or sect is an injustice wliich could only sinctrely enter and re- 
main in ihe heart and mind of a fanatic — llie political trickster will 
pursue that course for his selfish ends. In all justly governed 
countries individuals alone are held responsible (or their conduct. 
Ctin I not believe from his professed principles that Brownson 
should not be entrusted with office under this Government, and 
yet be willing to entrust Judge Taney and others of the Catholic 
faith with its dearesi rights? Could I not with propriety re- 
fuse to advance to oftice any natui-alized citizen who should pro- 
fess principles and pursue practices detrimental to our political 
system, and still consider it my duty to support one of the same 
class whom I believed to be faiihful to the Constitution, and cor- 
rect in his political piinciples? These propositions are too plain 
for discussion — they are perfectly in accordance wi*!i the Constitu- 
tion — and yet, sir, the declarations in this Platform which you 
are called irpon to adopt rejects these self-evident propositions. 
The Constitution frowns indignantly irpon these distinctions be- 
tween chisses and sects ; this Platform creates them, and we fear 
may perpetunte them. 

But, sn-, liow grossly inconsistent would the adoption of this 
Platform make every member of the majority of this House. 
Previously to 1853 they were enrolled as members of either the 
Democratic or Whig Paiiy. When did any one of you as a 
Whig or a Democrat profess the detestable principles which I have 
adverted to? Never! It was not in 1840 when the Whig Ten- 
fral Committee nobly rebuked the sentiments contained in this 
Philadelpiiia Platform, and advanced as the true principles of our 
Government, the sentiments and views I have to day advocated. 
It was not when Giistav W. Lurman, a naturalized citizen, and 
Nathaniel F. Williams, Wm. Chcsnut, and John P. Kennedy, 
all native born, could set at the same political board and enterlatn 
the same political principles. Let us goto these fathers of the 
Stale for their counsel. I read it sir, for the instiuclion of this 
House and the people. ''In this country every man is permitted 
to woiship his Maker as his conscience may approve. Our laws 



11 

and ConstilLitions were framed to secure (0 all thU g'.otious pri- 
vilege. The native and naturalized citizens tvre equally entitled 
10 the blessings of our Government: all are equal and when u 
stranc^er lakes up his abode here, and has remained among us 
durin'g the time presciibed by the naturalization laws, he has a 
right to become a citizen and will be eiiiiiled to the privileges of 
citizenship. " When tliey publislied these noble sentiments, 
as a rebuke to an expiessiotr of sentimenlsof an opposite charac- 
ter, they called upon the Whigs f.f Mai y land to endorse them and 
the Whigs of Miuyland did endorse them. Have any of those 
signers of that address renounced those principles? If they have, 
let us know them and detest them — find if any of those who baltleil 
then for those principles sliall lunv solemnly record iheir votes 
ao-fiinst them, let the lecord be pieserved, and ;a some iuture, but 
not distant day, they will receive their dsie reward. 

But, sir, to come down from IS 10 to 1852. Can any membei 
of either of those old parlies here present deny that he and his par- 
ty acted upon these pure principles wliich were always advocated 
by both, and which 1 have feebly advocated here to day ? The 
prosciiption of either naturalized citizens or Roman Catliolics 
would then have been justly abhorrent to you all and you would 
all have actively combined against the men or paiiy who should 
have proposed it. You Whigs of 1852 circulated from one end of 
this land to the other that intolerant New Han-rpshire ought not 
to have the honor of furnishing a President. You Democrats suc- 
cessfully responded that New Hampshire, though tainted with sin, 
like Nazareth of old could send forth one who was true to his 
duty as a man and faithful to his country as a citizen. That man 
was FRAMvLiiv PiERCK — a uauie which it is refreshing to breathe 
in the mitlst of the intolerable stench which rises from the Phila- 
delphia Pandemonium — a name which the people will ever honor 
as synonymous with patriotism in spite of the contemptible efforts 
of the vermin race of politicians to defame it — the charge then 
that New Hampshire was intolerant and the defence that Fank- 
lin Pierce was an open, avowed and active friend of religious tol- 
e\'-xtion, proved that you all united in favor of that great principle. 
Was there any avowal of your determination to cut off and pro- 
scribe our naiuialized fellow-citizens in tlieir rights and privileges? 
none! and the man or the parly who would have announced such a 
de. "gn would iiave met the just and indignate rebuke of you all. 
Will you then in so short a space of lime be inconsistent with 
yourselves upon questions, in regard to which common sense, 
truth, justice and patriotism can give but one answer and that dia- 
metrically opposite to the perilous doctrine taught in this Plat- 
form ? 

But, sir, the work of these Philadelphia conspirators would not 
have been complete without they could have introduced the Holy 
Bible as a cloak for ilieir hypocrisy, and call upon the Almighty 



12 

Father as n wilnessof llieir vvickediies.?. How dare (hey to ex- 
pect 10 deceive iiumkiiul by liolding in one hand that Holy Book, 
ihe true source of love and benevolence to our race, and yet hold 
in the other the 5lh article of this platform teaching that the poor 
are lo be avoided and despised — that j^overty is inconsistent 
with honesty — and (luiL the ;jffi//;e/- stands upon the same level 
with [he felon 9 That article it is true is dictated by the desire 
(o exclude the poor of Europe, but its language is insultino- to the 
poor everywhere. Let us analyze it. To use iis own lano-uao-e it 
"unquaiifjedly condemns" the emigration of the poor to our 
shores, but offers "a friendly reception and protection" to the 
honest emigrant. Cannot the 2^oor be honest? It offers an 
asylum in this country to those who seek it, from "love of lib- 
erty and haired of oppression." Cannot the poor love libeity 
and hate oppression ? But when and where did these Bible 
reading men obtain their authority or discover th& propriety of 
(liscrin)inating against the poor? Not fiom the institutions of 
our country, nor from the book of God, but from the depravity 
of their own hearts, (^an they discover any word or sentence in the 
Holy Code which they insist shall be a school book for the 
lengiliand breadth of this land, that instructs thein to discard the 
poor? Not one ! But if there are any who are treated as the 
special favorites of God, and whom he orders man to protect and 
sustain under the penalty of loosing his favor, they are this class of 
our fellow beings. His promises and denimciations abound in 
regard to this matter — the former for those who will relieve the 
miseries and soothe the sorrows of the poor and distressed, the 
latter for those who shall shut their ears to their ciies. "He 
who considereth the poor the Lord wilT remember him in the 
days of his trouble." "Whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of 
the poor, he also shall cry himself, but shall not be heard." 

If, sir, the curse of God is thus denounced upon the individual 
who shall (urn his back upot) the poor, what will be (he fate of 
this great nation upon which he has showered his blessings if, it 
shall have its councils darkened by such false teachers? He the 
great God makes this land to overflow with his munificent boun- 
ties. He loads our tables with luxuries which 'lives himself knew 
not of; shall we even worse than Hives, refirse to the poor of the 
world the very crumbs which fall from these tables. God forbid 
(hat ourcotuilry should thus call down the scathing of his wrath. 
Let us then repudiate these heathen teachers... It is plain (hat. 
their principles will not stand the test of the Holy Book, and ihey^ 
acted not unwisely when in their new Platform, they relievet^ 
it from their contamination. I (ru'st that before (he next granj^ 
council assembles (hey will see the folly of being guilty of th.^ 
double crime of Conrmitiing sins which make the "angels wcep^ 
and of calling on the Almighty, as it were, to endorse them." . „^ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




